The Weekly Turkey Report: 4th Week of April.

Events from the past week have revealed that Erdoğan’s problem with Istanbul is not only political but also carries a significant economic dimension. From the infamous “prime real estate” references in the December 17-25 corruption tapes to the attempt to construct a massive shopping mall in Taksim under the pretext of rebuilding the historic Artillery Barracks — the Gezi Park protests’ catalyst — Erdoğan’s well-known obsession with profiteering and plunder has become even more evident.

The arrest of his presidential election rival, Ekrem İmamoğlu, and the appointment of trustees to Istanbul’s most lucrative districts underscore Erdoğan’s determination not to share Istanbul’s multibillion-dollar revenue streams. Following İmamoğlu’s imprisonment, it was revealed that plans to proceed with the controversial “Canal Istanbul” project — estimated to cost $15 billion — were set into motion.

Last week, a major operation was conducted against Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality (İBB) teams who sought to block this project. As part of the investigation into the municipality, arrest warrants were issued for 53 individuals, including Şafak Başa (General Manager of İSKİ), Ramazan Gülten (İBB Urban Planning Director), former CHP MP Turan Aydoğan, Gözdem Ongun (wife of Medya A.Ş. General Manager Murat Ongun), and Cevat Kaya (brother of İmamoğlu’s wife, Dilek İmamoğlu).

Meanwhile, the sword of annulment continued to hang over the CHP’s party congresses. As part of the investigation launched by the Ankara Chief Public Prosecutor regarding the CHP’s 38th Ordinary Congress, CHP Istanbul Provincial Chairman Özgür Çelik was summoned to testify. It was reported that the prosecutor leading the case personally planned to interrogate provincial and district chairs as well as congress delegates.

A new claim also emerged concerning Erdoğan’s Istanbul profiteering projects. Retired military judge Colonel Ahmet Zeki Üçok alleged that preparations were underway to relocate the Air Force Academy from Istanbul’s Yeşilyurt district to İzmir. According to the claim, the academy’s valuable land would be sold, with two-thirds of the revenue earmarked for purchasing next-generation F-16 fighter jets and one-third for building a new academy in İzmir.

In parallel, reports surfaced of severe human rights violations and torture against protesters. The Istanbul Bar Association compiled a report detailing abuses that occurred during the protests following İmamoğlu’s detention. According to the report, at least 593 individuals were detained, many subjected to excessive force and ill-treatment. Of these, at least 238 were formally arrested, 83 were placed under house arrest, and 37 were issued international travel bans.

Twelve separate criminal cases were opened against 549 detainees on charges of violating the Law No. 2911 on Public Meetings and Provocation to Commit Crimes, though no suspects remain in pretrial detention in these cases. However, at least 14 citizens are still imprisoned under ongoing investigations for “insulting the president.” Deliberate reverse handcuffing that cuts off blood circulation has reportedly become routine, with plastic handcuffs being used for up to seven hours without the proper tools to remove them — leading to injuries caused by cutting them open with knives and lighters.

While Turkey was grappling with these issues, public attention was diverted by a controversial claim made by former nationalist academic Mümtazer Türköne. Türköne argued that Bahçeli might use a new Kurdish peace process to transform Turkey into a democratic rule-of-law state. He claimed that if Erdoğan failed to initiate reforms, Bahçeli would force early elections. Türköne suggested that a group within the state, including Bahçeli, had begun working toward a new national identity that included granting Kurds equal citizenship — conditional on democratic reforms.

Following Türköne’s remarks, another operation was launched against the CHP and the Istanbul Municipality. AKP figure Şamil Tayyar confirmed Türköne’s claims, stating that he had “learned today that things are not going well.” Tayyar revealed that Erdoğan and Bahçeli were planning a meeting. Facing criticism for his silence, Bahçeli finally issued a statement dismissing early election rumors as “baseless,” insisting that elections would take place as scheduled and condemning those who speculated otherwise as engaging in “fearmongering and disrespect toward national will.”

Bahçeli characterized the election debate as an insult to democracy, emphasizing that the Cumhur Alliance possessed the determination and capability to advance Turkey through reforms. He warned that distracting the public with artificial crises was a disservice to the nation.

Meanwhile, a new step toward Kurdish reconciliation was taken. A delegation consisting of DEM Party member Pervin Buldan and lawyer Faik Özgür Erol from the Asrın Law Office traveled to İmralı Island to meet with PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan. Former delegation members Sırrı Süreyya Önder and Ahmet Türk could not participate due to health issues.

Following their visit to İmralı, the delegation met with Justice Minister Yılmaz Tunç. The DEM Party’s parliamentary group leaders, Gülistan Kılıç Koçyiğit and Sezai Temelli, along with Deputy Co-Chair for Human Rights Öztürk Türkdoğan, discussed Öcalan’s prison conditions and emphasized the importance of enabling broader access to İmralı by journalists, academics, and civil society representatives to foster public trust in the ongoing process.

Speaking about a possible timeline for PKK disarmament, delegation spokespersons noted, “It’s impossible for us to know the timeline; the organization itself will decide. However, Pervin Buldan conveyed something very important: for the first time, she found Öcalan to be highly hopeful and optimistic. This is a significant and positive development. Hopefully, this spirit will spread across Turkey.”

Over the weekend, Kurdish factions convened in Syria’s Qamishli district under the leadership of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), taking a major step toward a unified Kurdish political future.

In Turkey, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) held a march to Anıtkabir in Ankara to commemorate National Sovereignty and Children’s Day on April 23. Despite Ankara Governorship’s refusal to authorize the event, thousands of citizens responded to CHP Chair Özgür Özel’s call and gathered in front of the First Parliament building. After Özel’s speech, the enthusiastic crowd broke through police barricades and marched to Anıtkabir. The event saw participation not just from party members but from a broad cross-section of citizens. Özel emphasized that this holiday marked the day sovereignty was entrusted to the people.

Meanwhile, another major controversy emerged. İYİ Party parliamentary group deputy chair Turhan Çömez alleged via social media that Turkey had granted citizenship to Essam Bouidani, former leader of the Syria-based Salafist-jihadist group Jaysh al-Islam. Çömez claimed that Bouidani, now under the name Essam Bedatioğlu, had made significant tourism investments in Antalya. Despite an Interpol red notice issued by France over war crimes committed in Syria, Bouidani allegedly faced no restrictions in Turkey and had even traveled to Dubai using his Turkish passport before being arrested at the border.