Weekly Turkey Report: 2nd Week of September 2025

There is a well-known saying: “History repeats itself.” Yet a more accurate observation would be that clever and ruthless leaders look to history to shape the present. President Erdoğan follows this pattern. By manipulating the judiciary, he seeks to direct politics and build a political order that serves his interests. Many leaders before him—Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Joseph Stalin, and others—did the same.

Mustafa Kemal used the Independence Tribunals both to suppress the opposition and to silence dissenting voices within his own party, the CHP. His prosecutor of choice was Necip Ali Küçüka (later Küçükağ), who played a central role in the İzmir Assassination trial and was rewarded with a parliamentary seat. Stalin similarly relied on a prosecutor, Andrey Vyshinsky, who fabricated charges against leading Bolsheviks such as Nikolai Bukharin, extracting confessions through torture.

Erdoğan’s counterpart is Akın Gürlek. Recently promoted from Deputy Justice Minister to Istanbul Chief Public Prosecutor, Gürlek acts less like a prosecutor than like Erdoğan’s personal political enforcer. His mandate is clear: discredit, prosecute, and, if possible, dismantle Erdoğan’s chief rival, the CHP, and in particular its leader in Istanbul, Ekrem İmamoğlu.

Gürlek’s role extends beyond prosecution. Judges treat his indictments and requests as binding orders, rubber-stamping them without question. In this way, Gürlek not only prosecutes but also judges. His methods echo Stalinist tactics: inflicting psychological rather than physical torture, threatening family members, and coercing testimony. Those who comply are released; those who resist remain under pressure.

The goal is to neutralize the CHP in Istanbul and ultimately deliver the party to Erdoğan. So far, the CHP has displayed remarkable resilience. Yet the pressure shows no sign of abating. Events this past week indicate that the case to appoint a state trustee to the party’s Ankara headquarters, scheduled for September 15, will move forward.

The Siege of CHP Istanbul

Following the appointment of Gürsel Tekin as trustee of the CHP Istanbul Provincial Organization, the party decided to close its provincial headquarters. CHP notified the Istanbul Governor’s Office and the Supreme Court that until an extraordinary provincial congress is convened in Sarıyer to elect new leadership, current provincial chair Özgür Çelik will operate from a new temporary address.

Tensions escalated when Tekin announced he would take control of the building. The Istanbul Governor’s Office imposed a four-day ban on rallies and marches in six districts. Hundreds of police surrounded the CHP building overnight, while deputies, party members, and citizens staged a vigil. Protesters attempting to march toward the building were detained. When Tekin arrived, clashes broke out. Riot police used tear gas to clear the way, allowing him to enter. Several CHP deputies reported being assaulted by police.

In response, the CHP applied for both an extraordinary national convention and an extraordinary Istanbul congress, scheduled for September 24.

CHP leader Özgür Özel told the Financial Times that the party was preparing mass protests and acts of civil disobedience against Erdoğan’s “takeover attempt”: “They are trying to seize our party. We are the founding party of the Republic, the winner of the last election, and we lead in all polls. Erdoğan is cheating. If necessary, we can play this dirty game too. We are ready to organize peaceful actions that can bring life to a halt. Not millions but tens of millions could take to the streets.”

The Supreme Election Council approved the party’s application, confirming that the extraordinary congress will proceed. In Ankara, a glimmer of hope emerged: despite widespread claims that the Ankara judiciary is under MHP influence, the 3rd Criminal Court rejected the case seeking to annul the Istanbul congress. CHP deputy Ali Mahir Başarır stated: “This means that the injunction against our building and leadership has fallen. Immediate steps must now be taken to end this disgrace.”

Özel visited the Istanbul headquarters, joined by the HDP co-chairs in a gesture of solidarity.

Another CHP Municipality Targeted

In Istanbul, prosecutors launched a sweeping corruption probe against the CHP-run Bayrampaşa Municipality. Mayor Hasan Mutlu and 47 others were detained on charges including embezzlement, bribery, and bid-rigging. Among those detained was an MHP deputy provincial chair, Yasin Sönmez, later expelled from the party.

Meanwhile, two CHP members of the Beykoz Municipal Council resigned, costing the CHP its majority. Erdoğan personally welcomed one of the defectors, Özlem Vural Gürzel, into the AKP, pinning on her party badge himself.

Arrests of Dissidents

Police also launched a crackdown against individuals who criticized the CHP blockade on social media. The Interior Ministry announced investigations into 14 accounts, with academics Emrah Gülsunar and Ebru Uzun Oruç among those detained. Lawyers and other academics were also taken into custody.

Separately, the Constitutional Court rejected a procedural objection in the case alleging irregularities in the CHP congress. As a result, İmamoğlu and 11 others will face trial beginning November 4.

In the past three months, censorship orders citing “national security” were imposed on reports concerning:

• The 200-million-lira company owned by the son of former Communications Director Fahrettin Altun.

• A women’s music group targeted by presidential adviser Oktay Saral.

• Seaside hotels and restaurants slated for demolition.

• Wage disputes at KRT television.

• Fake diploma allegations against AKP figure Necmettin Erkan.

In addition, access to the AI platform Grok on X (formerly Twitter) was blocked.

Habertürk Media Group Seized

A sweeping operation targeted Can Holding, owner of Habertürk and Show TV. Eight executives, including Mehmet Şakir Can, were detained on charges of forming a criminal organization, smuggling, fraud, and money laundering. In total, 121 companies linked to the group were seized.

Despite longstanding MASAK reports linking the Can family to fuel and cigarette smuggling, the government had allowed them to expand into education and media, acquiring Bilgi University, Doğa Schools, and Ciner Media Group. The family’s fortune, worth billions of dollars, was transferred to the state’s Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF).

Other Developments

• Terror Attack in Izmir: A 16-year-old armed with an assault rifle attacked a police station, killing two officers and injuring two others. The suspect, reportedly linked to ISIS, and his family were arrested.

• Worker Deaths: According to the Health and Safety Labor Watch, at least 192 workers died in workplace accidents in August, bringing the year’s total to 1,359.

• Education Crisis: OECD’s Education at a Glance 2025 report found that 31.3% of Turkish youth (ages 18–24) are neither in education nor employment. Among university graduates, 24.6% are unemployed, the highest rate in the OECD.

• Economic Indicators:

  • The Central Bank’s net foreign reserves rose by $1.5 billion last week to $45.8 billion.

  • The exit tax for foreign travel was raised 40.8% to 1,000 TL, while the total cost of a three-year passport now exceeds 10,000 TL.

  • HSBC revised its year-end USD/TRY forecast from 42 to 44.

• Judicial Developments: The Constitutional Court rejected the release request of Beylikdüzü Mayor Murat Çalık despite serious health problems, while ordering protective measures for his well-being.

• Human Rights: The five children of Nurcan and Abdülkadir Arslan—imprisoned under emergency decrees for 23 months—began the new school year without their parents, even though the Supreme Court overturned their conviction.